dolorosa_12: (babylon berlin crowd 1)
[personal profile] dolorosa_12
Tonight I'm going out to the next iteration of the silent disco (80s/90s/2000s music — the cheesiest you can imagine), which as always is taking place in the cathedral. There's always a weird moment of disorientation when you enter the cavernous space of this ancient medieval cathedral ... and it's full of dancing people of all ages, dressed in lurid fluoro colours, stage lighting, and DJs.

So my prompt for this week's open thread is:

What examples of activities taking place in wildly incongruous spaces have you encountered?

о котиках

Feb. 27th, 2026 01:56 pm
ryjii_kot: (Default)
[personal profile] ryjii_kot
Вышло тут очередное исследование, что котики не испытывают чувств к своим хозяевам.

Нове дослідження показало, що коти не формують залежної прихильності до своїх господарів, як це роблять собаки. У проведених тестах коти поводилися майже однаково поруч із власником і з незнайомою людиною, не шукаючи контакту. Крім того, коли «своя» людина виходила з кімнати, рівень тривоги у тварин практично не змінювався.
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[personal profile] jacey

Audiobook narrated by Steven Crossley

The first Oxford Time Travel book is a collection of short stories, the second is Doomsday Book, read and reviewed earlier this month. This is the third which I was persuaded to try because (unlike Doomsday) it’s supposedly light and frothy, and it also won the Hugo and Locus Awards in 1999. And indeed it has elements of Three Men in a Boat meets Dr Who. Ned Henry, one of Oxford’s time-travelling historians, is searching for the Bishop’s Bird Stump, a (fictional) vase lost in the wartime bombing of Coventry Cathedral, in order to please Lady Schrapnell who holds the purse strings of the project to rebuild the cathedral. He’s been sent hither and thither to jumble sales and air-raids that he’s impossibly time-lagged and brain-fogged, so to get him safely out of the way his professor (Dunworthy whom we met in Doomsday Book) sends him back to Oxford 1888 for a relaxing fortnight beside the River Thames. He goes through the veil somewhat precipitously to get away from Lady Schrapnell, ill-prepared and barely taking in his instructions. Thus he makes a mess of his first encounter, fails to do something important and ends up on the river with an Oxford undergrad, Terence St Trewes, and a dotty history professor. Eventually he manages to meet up with his contact (the lovely Verity) and ends up a guest in a country house belonging to a bunch of Lady Schrapnell’s great-great-many-times-great-grands with the beautiful but vapid Tossie who speaks in diddums-diddums baby talk, her goldfish-fancying father and a scarily Schrapnell-like mother, plus the family butler, the Jeeves-like Baine. Thus the romantic comedy is set as Ned and Verity try to put right a variance in the space-time continuum which they accidentally caused in the first place. The Bishop’s Bird Stump is constantly bubbling away in the background as it’s a pivotal object that changes Tossie’s life. The book is light, but not a comedy in the laugh-out-loud sense, more slightly quirky and absurdist. Yes, there’s a dog (Cyril the bulldog) and a goldfish-eating cat (Princess Arjumand). Steven Crossley reads it well in an RP accent, with a good range of voices. You’re never far from hearing Lady Bracknell in a raft of imperious women from the book’s present (2057)  to Victorian England. And, of course, all is well in the end with the bird stump found, and the right lovers paired up, more thanks to time itself than the hapless Ned. Connie Willis captures the Three-Men-in-a-Boat vibe very well


jacey: (Default)
[personal profile] jacey

Audiobook narrated by Chris Devon.

Adam Catchpole is a science fiction author whose book sales are slipping. He’s in financial difficulties and spiralling into depression. His agent suggests writing in a different genre, and the popular market trends are spicy romances and Christmas stories. Though he hates Christmas, he reluctantly starts a novel. An odd incident involving a dance and drama school, sets him off reconnecting with the world and he find that as soon as he opens himself up to new experiences and new people, he starts to rebuild himself. There’s also a childhood backstory which reveals why Adam hates Christmas. His own story is that of a Christmas novel – slightly schmaltzy and feel-good. A cosy story, if you’re in the mood. Chris Devon reads it very well. I’m not sure if his accent is Manx (which is where the book is set) but it’s definitely an accent, and the book is all the better for it.


Gorton and Denton by-election

Feb. 27th, 2026 12:52 pm
loganberrybunny: Election rosette (Rosette)
[personal profile] loganberrybunny
Public

In the end, a fairly comfortable win by the Greens, with Reform just pipping Labour to second and the Tories and Lib Dems nowhere near saving their deposits. Social media is full of "hot takes" from pretty much all sides, so let's see if I can put together my "lukewarm take" that isn't likely to please anybody!

1. I am glad Reform didn't win. I think they are deeply unpleasant and divisive, and too many of their politicians are more or less openly Trumpist in their views. Stopping Reform would have been my number one priority had I been a voter there.

2. I am not especially keen on the new, urban wing of the Greens. They seem to be prioritising Corbynite left-wing policies rather than their traditional environmentalism, and Corbynite policies are not always appealing to me.

3. Labour are now in a real bind. I'm pleased they've been shown that trying to ape Reform isn't necessarily a vote-winner, but can they get back to being the kind of balanced centre-left party I'd like and drop some of the incompetence and authoritarianism? Probably not with Starmer still there.

4. Of all the "main" parties, the Lib Dems are often closest to my views these days, but they got under 2% of the vote. Voting LD this time would have been like spoiling my paper. The same goes for the Conservatives, had I been predisposed to vote for them.

5. Reform's Trumpian rhetoric about "family voting" having "stolen" the election is unacceptable. This is one reason I wanted whoever won to do so by a clear majority, as has happened. It's clearly an excuse for failing to win over enough voters.

6. At the same time, I do think it's a genuine issue if even a few women are being pressured to vote a certain way by their husbands. Until recently you could say, "Well, it's a secret ballot" – but with mobile phones women can now photograph their ballot papers (illegal but very hard to stop) to show that they have voted the "right" way.

7. Turnout was quite high for a by-election, only marginally down on the general. This wasn't a huge surprise to me. I think that's just the usual case of people thinking that because it was close, there was a reason to get out and vote.

8. First Past the Post is a terrible voting system, and if we see a party win a majority in 2028/9 with 25% of the vote it will become even more obvious. Yet the parties in power are too wedded to self-interest to change it, and I doubt despite current rhetoric Reform would either.

9. Labour allowing Andy Burnham to stand might have won them the seat – might – but then they'd have had another nightmare in the form of a Manchester mayoral election, since you can't be mayor and an MP at the same time.

Friday 27/02/206

Feb. 27th, 2026 12:26 pm
dark_kana: (3_good_things_a_day official icon)
[personal profile] dark_kana posting in [community profile] 3_good_things_a_day
1) enjoyed the sunshine this morning 

2) meeting up with Lhune. Talking and lunch and watching dr who spin-off

3) gourmet dinner. Going to take our time, with a nice apero and such 
[syndicated profile] bruce_schneier_feed

Posted by Bruce Schneier

Iran is slowly emerging from the most severe communications blackout in its history and one of the longest in the world. Triggered as part of January’s government crackdown against citizen protests nationwide, the regime implemented an internet shutdown that transcends the standard definition of internet censorship. This was not merely blocking social media or foreign websites; it was a total communications shutdown.

Unlike previous Iranian internet shutdowns where Iran’s domestic intranet—the National Information Network (NIN)—remained functional to keep the banking and administrative sectors running, the 2026 blackout disrupted local infrastructure as well. Mobile networks, text messaging services, and landlines were disabled—even Starlink was blocked. And when a few domestic services became available, the state surgically removed social features, such as comment sections on news sites and chat boxes in online marketplaces. The objective seems clear. The Iranian government aimed to atomize the population, preventing not just the flow of information out of the country but the coordination of any activity within it.

This escalation marks a strategic shift from the shutdown observed during the “12-Day War” with Israel in mid-2025. Then, the government primarily blocked particular types of traffic while leaving the underlying internet remaining available. The regime’s actions this year entailed a more brute-force approach to internet censorship, where both the physical and logical layers of connectivity were dismantled.

The ability to disconnect a population is a feature of modern authoritarian network design. When a government treats connectivity as a faucet it can turn off at will, it asserts that the right to speak, assemble, and access information is revocable. The human right to the internet is not just about bandwidth; it is about the right to exist within the modern public square. Iran’s actions deny its citizens this existence, reducing them to subjects who can be silenced—and authoritarian governments elsewhere are taking note.

The current blackout is not an isolated panic reaction but a stress test for a long-term strategy, say advocacy groups—a two-tiered or “class-based” internet known as Internet-e-Tabaqati. Iran’s Supreme Council of Cyberspace, the country’s highest internet policy body, has been laying the legal and technical groundwork for this since 2009.

In July 2025, the council passed a regulation formally institutionalizing a two-tiered hierarchy. Under this system, access to the global internet is no longer a default for citizens, but instead a privilege granted based on loyalty and professional necessity. The implementation includes such things as “white SIM cards“: special mobile lines issued to government officials, security forces, and approved journalists that bypass the state’s filtering apparatus entirely.

While ordinary Iranians are forced to navigate a maze of unstable VPNs and blocked ports, holders of white SIMs enjoy unrestricted access to Instagram, Telegram, and WhatsApp. This tiered access is further enforced through whitelisting at the data center level, creating a digital apartheid where connectivity is a reward for compliance. The regime’s goal is to make the cost of a general shutdown manageable by ensuring that the state and its loyalists remain connected while plunging the public into darkness. (In the latest shutdown, for instance, white SIM holders regained connectivity earlier than the general population.)

The technical architecture of Iran’s shutdown reveals its primary purpose: social control through isolation. Over the years, the regime has learned that simple censorship—blocking specific URLs—is insufficient against a tech-savvy population armed with circumvention tools. The answer instead has been to build a “sovereign” network structure that allows for granular control.

By disabling local communication channels, the state prevents the “swarm” dynamics of modern unrest, where small protests coalesce into large movements through real-time coordination. In this way, the shutdown breaks the psychological momentum of the protests. The blocking of chat functions in nonpolitical apps (like ridesharing or shopping platforms) illustrates the regime’s paranoia: Any channel that allows two people to exchange text is seen as a threat.

The United Nations and various international bodies have increasingly recognized internet access as an enabler of other fundamental human rights. In the context of Iran, the internet is the only independent witness to history. By severing it, the regime creates a zone of impunity where atrocities can be committed without immediate consequence.

Iran’s digital repression model is distinct from, and in some ways more dangerous than, China’s “Great Firewall.” China built its digital ecosystem from the ground up with sovereignty in mind, creating domestic alternatives like WeChat and Weibo that it fully controls. Iran, by contrast, is building its controls on top of the standard global internet infrastructure.

Unlike China’s censorship regime, Iran’s overlay model is highly exportable. It demonstrates to other authoritarian regimes that they can still achieve high levels of control by retrofitting their existing networks. We are already seeing signs of “authoritarian learning,” where techniques tested in Tehran are being studied by regimes in unstable democracies and dictatorships alike. The most recent shutdown in Afghanistan, for example, was more sophisticated than previous ones. If Iran succeeds in normalizing tiered access to the internet, we can expect to see similar white SIM policies and tiered access models proliferate globally.

The international community must move beyond condemnation and treat connectivity as a humanitarian imperative. A coalition of civil society organizations has already launched a campaign calling fordirect-to-cell” (D2C) satellite connectivity. Unlike traditional satellite internet, which requires conspicuous and expensive dishes such as Starlink terminals, D2C technology connects directly to standard smartphones and is much more resilient to infrastructure shutdowns. The technology works; all it requires is implementation.

This is a technological measure, but it has a strong policy component as well. Regulators should require satellite providers to include humanitarian access protocols in their licensing, ensuring that services can be activated for civilians in designated crisis zones. Governments, particularly the United States, should ensure that technology sanctions do not inadvertently block the hardware and software needed to circumvent censorship. General licenses should be expanded to cover satellite connectivity explicitly. And funding should be directed toward technologies that are harder to whitelist or block, such as mesh networks and D2C solutions that bypass the choke points of state-controlled ISPs.

Deliberate internet shutdowns are commonplace throughout the world. The 2026 shutdown in Iran is a glimpse into a fractured internet. If we are to end countries’ ability to limit access to the rest of the world for their populations, we need to build resolute architectures. They don’t solve the problem, but they do give people in repressive countries a fighting chance.

This essay originally appeared in Foreign Policy.

[syndicated profile] bruce_schneier_feed

Posted by Bruce Schneier

This is new. North Korean hackers are posing as company recruiters, enticing job candidates to participate in coding challenges. When they run the code they are supposed to work on, it installs malware on their system.

News article.

February 2026

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